Philadelphia

The Crime Report, a news service about criminal justice published by the Center on Media, Crime and Justice at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York, ran my piece about the case of a false confession in a double murder in West Philadelphia:

When Nafis Pinkey was taken into a Philadelphia Police Department homicide interrogation room in the 24 hours after his childhood friend was murdered, he had no idea that he would become a murder suspect.

In August 2009, the bodies of Jonathan Pitts, Pinkey’s friend since the days they went to the same daycare, and Pitts’ girlfriend, Nakeisha Finks, were found with their wrists and feet bound and their eyes and mouths covered with duct tape, in their West Philadelphia house.

They had both been shot in the back of their heads.

Pinkey joined the crowd of other concerned friends and relatives, who had gone to the house when Finks did not show up for a client’s hairdresser appointment. He had been in the house the night before.

He went voluntarily to the homicide unit after uniformed officers asked him if he would go. They assumed that he was one of the last people to see the couple alive.

But during the estimated 24 hours he spent in a locked interrogation room, under periodic questioning, things got “worse,” Pinkey recalled.

“What I mean by worse: it got more physical, more confrontational.”

Pinkey confessed to involvement with the crime. According to his statement to the police, which was later presented in court, he had arranged for Pitts’ home to be burglarized by suggesting a compatriot climb through a window with an air conditioner loosely set into its frame.

Then two burglars (Pinkey was not one of them) allegedly killed the couple.

Four Years in Detention

Held without bail because he originally was charged with capital murder, Pinkey spent the next four years in detention in the Philadelphia Prison System awaiting trial.

The case took so long, in part, because Pinkey changed defense lawyers midway. His defense counsel also asked for a delay in starting the trial to wait for a ruling from Pennsylvania Supreme Court on the admissibility of expert testimony about why false confessions happen.

In early October, Pinkey was acquitted.

The two men Pinkey fingered as the murderers were never charged. No one else besides Pinkey has ever been charged with the murders.

One factor in his acquittal was Pinkey’s testimony that his original confession had been coerced—and was false. One of the detectives who interrogated Pinkey testified during the trial. That left the jury with two stories to compare on who was more credible.

“I was very emotional. I was confused. I was just saying anything that would get me out of the door,” he told The Crime Report.

The jury took Pinkey’s claim into account, along with inconsistencies in the prosecution’s case, when it freed him. But according to his lawyer, Gregory Pagano, his long pre-trial imprisonment might have been avoided if Pinkey’s “confession” had been videotaped—providing authorities with an impartial means of weighing the evidence against him.

600 PDs Videotape

While videotaped interrogations are common in law enforcement—at least 600 U.S. law enforcement agencies now conduct them—Pagano told The Crime Report he couldn’t remember a single case in the Philadelphia Police Department where an interrogation was videotaped.

This was confirmed by others familiar with the Philadelphia system.

Paul G. Conway, chief of the Defender Association of Philadelphia’s homicide unit, said that his office has never defended a homicide case in which the interrogations were taped.

There have been videotapes of defendants reading their confessions or answering questions on whether their confessions were voluntarily, Conway said. But not in all cases, he said.

Both Conway and Pagano cited several other homicide cases that have involved coerced confessions.

The Philadelphia police’s practice of not videotaping interrogations may soon change.

The Philadelphia Police Department plans to ask for funding to buy the required equipment, with a goal of making such equipment available in all four interview rooms in the homicide unit at some point in the future.

Philadelphia Police Commissioner Charles Ramsey testified in a budget hearing in April that the department was behind other jurisdictions in videotaping interrogations.

“I think that we have to do all we can to make sure that the right people are arrested and charged with crimes and that everything is above-board, and I think that the videotaping of interrogations certainly does that,” the commissioner testified.

During the hearing, Ramsey said the office still needed to put together an estimate on how much it would cost to install video-recording equipment.

The plan was to make a request for a capital expenditure, Ramsey said. He added he favored recording in all violent felony cases.

A spokeswoman for the police department declined to provide an estimate of the cost or a time frame for when recording would start.

“The standard operating procedures are in the process of being completed,” Police Officer Jillian Russell said in an email.

Advocates Hopeful

Yet advocates for recording interrogations are hopeful.

“They are moving very quickly,” reports Marissa Boyers Bluestine, legal director of the Pennsylvania Innocence Project. “They’ve gotten all the directives in place.”

But the municipal budget is strained, Bluestine added.

“Part of the problem in Philadelphia is frankly a resource one,” she said, noting that Philadelphia’s homicide unit is located in an old building that is badly in need of retrofitting.

Ramsey testified that there were expenses associated with wiring and rehabilitating outmoded facilities to handle video recording.

According to Bluestine, the best practices to prevent false confessions include: taping entire interrogations from the moment a suspect sits down, stopping interrogations from extending beyond three hours and continuing investigations even after confessions have been signed.

The International Association of Chiefs of Police has made wrongful convictions a priority. A recent article from Police Chief Magazine reported that the best practices to avoid false confession include recording the entirety of interrogations, and keeping secret some crime details to ensure innocent suspects do not just parrot back inside information gleaned from their interrogators.

Richard Leo, an academic who has been doing empirical research on police interrogation practices for 20 years and is a frequent expert witness in cases involving false confessions, said he is seeing a growing movement nationally to record confessions.

Leo said the movement has developed because of greater understanding of what causes false confessions.

He listed, for example: 

* lying to suspects about the evidence against them;
* the length of interrogations;
* the propensity of people to comply with authority;
* mental illness or low intelligence;
* and implications from police interrogators that if a suspect makes an admission, he is “not admitting to a crime or admitting to something that has very serious consequences.”

Philadelphia’s suburban neighbor, Montgomery County, is one jurisdiction that has joined the movement to record confessions.

Montgomery County District Attorney Risa Vetri Ferman, the top prosecutor in the third largest county in Pennsylvania, said her office started a pilot program of recording homicide interrogations about 18 months ago.

The office has since expanded the pilot to include videotaping confessions in cases of violent felonies at one county police department.

Nine suspects agreed to speak to county detectives, but only three also agreed to be taped, Ferman said.

She was surprised that the vast majority of suspects refused to be videotaped but consented to have their conversations memorialized by detectives’ note-taking.

But the pilot also has benefited prosecutors in the courtroom.

In one case that went to trial with a videotaped confession, Ferman was “a little startled” at the power of seeing the defendant talking about the murder he committed with “no possible suggestion that the words were coming from someone else.”

Edward McCann, the first assistant district attorney in Philadelphia District Attorney Seth Williams’ office, said right now only one of the city’s homicide’s interrogation rooms is capable of videotaping and it is used only in a very limited fashion.

‘Proper’ Training Needed

“I think that police officers and prosecutors, properly trained, could do this and do it well,” said McCann. “It would just enhance the cases and take away a lot of the arguments about coercion and force and things of that nature.”

“I definitely see it as a positive.”

He notes that video recording is available in one Philadelphia interrogation room, but it has never been used to record entire interviews. Instead, it has been used occasionally to record defendants answering if they gave their confessions voluntarily and if they were treated well during their interrogations.

(That was not done in Pinkney’s case, according to Pagano.).

A videotape also is more powerful evidence to present to a jury because they can see the defendant’s demeanor at the time of the interrogation, McCann said.

McCann, however disagrees with advocates who call for setting a time limit for interrogations.

“That said, if you’re going to hold someone for 24 hours you better have a lot of reasons for that to happen for a judge to say that’s OK,” McCann said.

One example: the need for investigators to corroborate other information in order to confront a suspect.

The irony, Bluestine said, is “that innocent people in some ways are more likely to give a false confession just because they’re more willing to talk to police.”

(Cross-posted from Philadelphia City Paper: http://citypaper.net/article.php?City-Councilman-pushes-back-on-proposed-Office-of-Conflict-Counsel-16885)

A City Councilman is pushing back on a plan by Mayor Nutter's administration to change how court-appointed lawyers are provided to poor Philadelphians through a new Office of Conflict Counsel.

Councilman Dennis O'Brien said in an interview today that he was planning to introduce two pieces of legislation that would provide better accountability for the proposed office. Unlike some other city contracts, O'Brien said, legal services for the poor involve Constitutional rights.

"This model does not guarantee that Constitutional rights are protected," the councilman said. "That is our mission, and we are committed to it."

The city is contemplating contracting with an ex-prosecutor who would set up a new private law firm to handle the legal representation of Philadelphians involved in family-court cases or in criminal cases when the Defender Association of Philadelphia, Community Legal Services or the Support Center for Child Advocates is already representing another person in the case.

One of O'Brien's proposed bills would require the appointment of a quality-control auditor to ensure the legal representation "is living up to national ABA [American Bar Association] standards," an O'Brien aide, Miriam Enriquez, said in a joint interview. According to the draft ordinance, the auditor would be independent of the law firm, have been practicing law for at least seven years, and an expert in indigent defense. The managing director, who works for the mayor, would nominate the quality control auditor.

The ordinance also would require a detailed audit of the allocation of city taxpayers' dollars to the law firm and how the money was spent. Disclosure of the "job titles, job descriptions, resumes and performance reviews of all owners, employees and any other person that has a financial stake in the contract" would also be required, according to the draft legislation.

A second bill would ask Philadelphia voters to approve a change to the Philadelphia Home Rule Charter (once approved by City Council) next May. If enacted, the charter amendment would require City Council approval of every contract involving the expenditure of $100,000 or more on legal representation for poor Philadelphians. Currently, contracts that are for less than one year, at any amount, don't need City Council approval.

Mark McDonald, Nutter's press secretary, declined to comment because the legislation has not yet been introduced.

O'Brien's chief of staff, Matthew Braden, said that the legislation was being introduced because Nutter and his chief of staff, Everett Gillison, did not seem willing to alter course on the conflict counsel contract after a meeting with O'Brien and his aides last month

The meeting was held after City Council convened a hearing in October on the plan to go to the new model

 

 

Several witnesses during a Philadelphia City Council hearing Monday morning questioned how a for-profit law firm could provide adequate representation to poor Philadelphians whose constitutional rights are at stake in criminal and family cases.

The city of Philadelphia is preparing to contract with one law firm to handle the cases in which the Defender Association of Philadelphia has a conflict.

Attorney Jeffrey Lindy, who is involved with the appointment of defense counsel in federal criminal cases, testified he supports Mayor Michael Nutter. But Lindy said “this is not a good idea. Good people can make bad decisions and this is one of those bad decisions.”

Philadelphia Bar Association Chancellor Kathleen Wilkinson said that adequate representation can't be provided if $10 million would be expended for 22,000 cases. That would work out to be about $450 per case, Wilkinson said.

The Nutter administration is reportedly close to contracting with Daniel-Paul Alva to form a new law firm, but Everett Gillison, Nutter's chief of staff and deputy mayor for public safety, said during his public testimony that he would not comment on a contract that is still being negotiated.

But Gillison said that there is an opportunity to provide additional services by going to a consolidated model of legal representation for conflict cases.

"Right now the opportunity before me is to raise the level of practice and have the services that need to be had for the next party,” Gillison said.

Due to “economies of scale,” more resources could be provided to poor Philadelphians guaranteed to have their lawyers paid for by city government, Gillison said.

He also said that dependency practice in which parents' rights to their children can be terminated for neglect or abuse “is completely and totally in need of additional rescues.” One law firm could staff courtrooms and have social workers and investigators available on cases, Gillison said.

"Right now quite frankly, we as a city and we as a state, don't provide the kinds of resources we're supposed to provide,” Gillison said ”I'm not trying to boil the ocean here. I'm trying to get something additional and better."

Any defendants with which the Defender Association or the proposed conflict-counsel law firm would have a conflict would still be represented by court-appointed counsel, Gillison said. The city does not have the ability to provide additional services for those defendants right now, he said.

Gillison also questioned the argument that the for-profit legal model would be problematic. Currently, the city has “the equivalent of many hundreds of private law firms doing the work” instead of one law firm.

Gillison said that he has tried to answer questions about the conflict-counsel proposition openly and honestly, but Councilmen Dennis M. O'Brien, joined by Councilman Bill Greenlee, argued that their questions about the proposal have not received responses from the administration. They also questioned why the contract was being negotiated as a one-year contract with the option to renew; otherwise a multi-year contract would necessitate City Council approval. Both councilmen co-sponsored the resolution for the hearing Monday.

Legal representation for Philadelphians who don't get public defenders is woefully inadequate, Wilkinson said, including because they do not get the resources of investigators, social workers and  paralegals.

Other issues with the new model include ensuring that there are not potential conflicts of interest for part-time lawyers who have their own practices on the side or conflicts of interest from criminal or family-law clients being “mined” to make referrals in civil lawsuits or other legal work, Wilkinson said. She did not take a position on whether a for-profit law firm was per se a bad idea.

Lindy called it impossible to protect criminal defendants' Sixth Amendment rights to effective assistance for counsel if $9.5 million is expended on 22,000 cases by the city of Philadelphia. In comparison, the federal government expended $5 million for 580 cases, Lindy said.

Lindy also said that the current model was not working well in Philadelphia because some attorneys are trying to make a living on court-appointed cases, resulting in corners being cut, defendants not being visited in the Philadelphia Prison System, defendants' parents' phone calls not being returned or crime scenes not being investigated in person.

"You're not going to be doing that stuff if you're handling a heavy diet of court-appointed cases," Lindy said.

Chief Public Defender Ellen Greenlee testified that the amount paid for conflict-counsel lawyers, including for dependency counsel is an “absolute disgrace.”

There also was some disagreement during the hearing on whether the First Judicial District had given up its power to appoint counsel along with its unilateral decision that it would no longer pay counsel out of its budget. The Philadelphia courts did not send a representative to testify, Gillison said that the court had given up its appointment power, and O'Brien said that it was only the responsibility to pay court-appointed counsel that the courts surrendered.

Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas Judge John W. Herron, administrative judge of the trial division, said in a September 24 e-mail to me that “the court will no longer receive or disburse funds for court appointed counsel, but the court will continue to review and approve fee petitions and refer these to the city for payment.”

In his opening remarks, O'Brien said that in 2013, which marks a half-century since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled those too poor to afford their own lawyers must be provided government-paid counsel in order to protect their constitutional rights, that City Council is working to preserve those rights by questioning the administration's conflict-counsel proposition.

My piece for Philadelphia City Paper on a proposal to change how poor family-court litigants and criminal defendants get their lawyers:

http://citypaper.net/article.php?Privatizing-legal-representation-for-po...

Since last year, Mayor Michael Nutter’s administration has quietly sought to revolutionize how court-appointed lawyers are provided to poor Philadelphians, through a new office of conflict counsel. But on Monday, Oct. 7, City Council will hold a hearing to air concerns about the plan.

And there are lots of them.

Since the city put out — and then extended — its request for proposals (RFP) for the contract, it received only one substantive bid. Two of Philly’s major nonprofit legal organizations declined to bid. The one comprehensive bid that the city did receive, and which it appears prepared to accept, came from two ex-prosecutors now in private practice. And even before their bid was accepted, one of the co-bidders withdrew in the wake of a scandal.

“This has been tainted by collusion, lack of transparency and the conflicts we see by creating a private law firm,” says Councilman Dennis O’Brien. O’Brien, who sponsored legislation calling for the hearing, argues that the very RFP was designed to bypass City Council input, and therefore public scrutiny. 

Contracts for a year or less, like the one proposed for the conflict office, don’t require Council approval.

In an interview with City Paper earlier this year, Nutter’s chief of staff, Everett Gillison, himself a former public defender, described the new office as his brainchild. “I know that the public-service attorneys that do this work need additional resources, and that’s why I want to bring this different model to the conflict counsel,” he said, citing the lack of funding for support staff such as paralegals and investigators. 

“My focus is on the person that needs the lawyer,” he said. “I want them to have the investment that’s necessary.” 

The conflict office would come into play in cases the nonprofit Defender Association of Philadelphia doesn’t handle. That includes cases where the Defender has a conflict of interest, such as representing one of several co-defendants, and cases of parents whose kids are being removed by the Department of Human Services. 

Up until now, finding qualified lawyers to take on these cases has been a challenge. That is “largely a function of the miserable rates we’ve been paying for years,” says Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas Senior Judge Benjamin Lerner. Last year, the Philadelphia courts refused to continue appointing defense lawyers and paying them out of the court budget. That left the city paying the tab for the more than 20,000 attorney appointments made in Philadelphia every year. 

That, in turn, set the stage for the city’s request for “creative and innovative” conflict-counsel proposals. And that led to the one substantive bid submitted: a $9.5 million plan for a new law firm run by Daniel-Paul Alva, founder of the four-member Alva & Associates law firm, and Scott DiClaudio, who also has his own firm. It is not entirely clear why the Alva-DiClaudio bid was the only substantive one submitted (one bid was just to handle the administrative process and another involved fewer than half a dozen attorneys). Nor is it clear how it was vetted. The administration declined to comment. 

DiClaudio -— who sources say is known for his business acumen and passion, if not perfect propriety — resigned from the project after the Legal Intelligencer reported on two Facebook postings he had made. In one post, DiClaudio shared a page titled “American White History Month 2” with an avatar, “Never Apologize for Being White.” In another, he commented that he had spent almost 20 years “representing scum.” (He told the newspaper that the first post had been an accident, and the second was a joke.) DiClaudio also had a past disciplinary history for failing to file appellate court papers on time or at all, failing to provide a written fee agreement to a client and “for making false and misleading statements” to the state bar’s Office of Disciplinary Counsel. 

In an interview, Alva said, “Scott has voluntarily resigned from the project.” DiClaudio confirmed that he had stepped back, but declined to comment further. 

Lerner, who before becoming a judge was the chief public defender, says he is not certain, given the costs involved, that the math works on Alva’s proposal. 

Catherine Carr, executive director of Community Legal Services, says her organization considered bidding to expand its representation of parents in family-court cases, but decided against it because “the money per case is very low.” Carr did not think CLS could do high-quality legal work within the budget constraints. Lerner and others said the Defender Association was asked by the city to run a separate conflict-counsel office, but decided against it. The Association did not respond to requests for comment. 

But Lerner is also hopeful. He says he’s impressed because Alva’s proposal involves a “significant number of really excellent lawyers.” Alva says that no lawyers with less than 10 years of experience will be hired: “We really wanted to go blue chip.”

He argues that the new office will benefit clients, because its salaried attorneys would have no incentive except the client’s best interest. Currently, court-appointed lawyers get paid more if they take their cases to trial — even if it would be better to settle, Alva says. Further, he argues that salaried lawyers can handle more cases by being assigned to one courtroom throughout the day.

Court leaders and Alva’s team have already started to meet to discuss centralizing cases, according to both Lerner and Alva. But, critics say, before things move further many questions ought to be answered. For starters: Is the plan even an appropriate way to handle conflict cases? “I don’t understand the words ‘for profit’ in the same sentence as ‘indigent defense’,” says Marc Bookman, a former defender who’s now a leading advocate for sufficient pay for lawyers appointed in capital cases. Poor clients’ interests are served well by nonprofits, he says. But a for-profit firm has conflicting motivations: “Do you maintain your profit? Or do you properly represent your client, which often costs resources and money?” 

O’Brien hopes the hearing, though late in the game, could highlight alternative conflict-counsel systems. He would prefer a system like the federal one, in which an independent panel certifies that defense lawyers have sufficient expertise. He’d also like to see court-appointed counsel get a checkup every three years. 

Councilman Bill Greenlee, who joined O’Brien in calling for a hearing, says, “We don’t want to have fights with the administration all the time.” But, he adds, despite Nutter’s stance that “transparency is the best policy,” Council still does not have the answers it needs.